Article ID: 23

Article Date: 2009-08-30

Writer: alvadossadegh.com

Signs of the Approaching Reappearance – The Rise of a Heretic from Qazvin

The narration cited in al-Ghaybah of al-Tusi and later in Bihar al-Anwar regarding the uprising of a heretic from Qazvin states:
“Al-Fadl narrated from Ibn Abi Najran, from Muhammad ibn Sinan, from Abu al-Jarud, from Muhammad ibn Bishr, from Muhammad ibn al-Hanafiyyah, who said:
I asked the Imam (Ali, peace be upon him), ‘Your rule and government seem to be long delayed. When will it finally come?’ The Imam shook his blessed head and said: ‘The world has not yet gone through its upheavals; brothers have not yet betrayed one another; where is that uprising while rulers have not yet oppressed their subjects? Where is that rule when the heretic of Qazvin has not yet risen, the one who will tear apart the veils of chastity, fill the hearts with disbelief, alter the walls of the city, and strip it of its beauty and joy? Whoever flees will still be harmed by him; whoever fights him will be killed; whoever avoids him will be impoverished; and whoever follows him will become a disbeliever. Until two groups rise up, both weeping: some weeping for their religion, and others for their worldly interests.’”
As can be seen, this narration clearly speaks of the emergence of a heretical figure from Qazvin — a man with no real belief in religion. Whoever supports him is also deemed a disbeliever. Beyond faith, his character is described as violent, engaging in murder and bloodshed.
But the question arises: Has Qazvin truly witnessed such a figure in its history?
Although answering this question may seem somewhat difficult, turning the pages of history—especially the events of the past century—can help guide us toward an answer.

The British colonialists, having realized that the young Constitutional government, despite its flaws and weaknesses, stood as an obstacle to their full-scale interference in Iran’s affairs, decided to dismantle the fragile Qajar monarchy. They sought to replace it with a strong yet oppressive regime that could once again secure their domination over Iran.
Although the coup did not immediately topple the Qajar dynasty, it severely weakened it. Within only a few years, the throne of Iran fell into the hands of none other than the leader of the Qazvin Cossack coup — Reza Khan.

backwardness. In January 1936 (Dey 1314), Reza Shah issued a decree mandating the unveiling of women. According to this decree, women were not allowed to wear the chador, face veil, or headscarf in public places.
Government officials monitored streets, markets, and public spaces, and if a woman was seen wearing a hijab, it could be forcibly removed.

Consequences:

The wealthy and court classes accepted it more quickly, and their women appeared unveiled at official events and parties. However, among middle-class and religious communities, the reaction was strongly negative. Many women chose to stay home for years rather than appear in public without a hijab. Public protests occurred in some cities. The most famous was the Goharshad Mosque incident in Mashhad (1935/1314), where hundreds were killed in protest against Reza Shah’s policies, including the unveiling decree.
Mosque were aimed at weakening religion in the country.
Reza Shah also sought to impose Western culture, promoting European-style clothing, hats, ties, and bowties. His admiration for Atatürk, the founder of secular Turkey, as a model for governance, reflected his desire to modernize Iran according to a Western, anti-religious model.
The tyranny and oppression during Reza Shah’s era were so severe that any opposition was met with death, leaving no space for meaningful rebellion. Unfortunately, some still regard his limited infrastructural projects as acts of benevolence, while the majority of these, such as the North-South railway and the Kandovan road, primarily served British interests. For example, the North-South railway facilitated the movement of British military equipment from southern ports to northern regions.
Reza Shah’s reign lasted sixteen years. During World War II, due to his support for Germany, Britain and the Soviet Union removed him from power in 1941 (1320 Solar Hijri) and transferred the monarchy to his son, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, who continued his father’s policies, keeping Iran in hardship.
Considering Reza Khan’s rise to power, personality, and reign, we find a striking correspondence with the accounts of the Zindiq (heretic) from Qazvin mentioned in the traditions. Historically, Reza Khan built the foundations of his rule through the Black Coup, a military uprising that began with the Cossack forces stationed in Qazvin under his command. In fact, this event perfectly aligns with the Arabic term “khuruj” or uprising, as it refers to an aggressive offensive movement. In other words, Reza Khan’s aggressive march from Qazvin laid the groundwork for his future government. Otherwise, a simple Cossack who even struggled to feed himself could never have attained such a position.
Although Reza Khan was born in Alasht, in the Savadkuh region of Mazandaran, his “khuruj” or coup took shape in Qazvin, where he served in the Cossack regiment. The tradition specifically speaks of the uprising of the Zindiq from Qazvin, not his place of birth, which fully corresponds to Reza Khan’s actions.

1- Those who weep for their religion

2- Those who weep for their worldly interests

Historically, during the late Reza Shah period and early Mohammad Reza Shah period, two major groups opposed the ruling regime:
1 - The majority of Iranian people, devout Muslims adhering to the teachings of the Ahl al-Bayt, opposed Reza Khan’s and his son’s policies as contrary to Islamic teachings — corresponding to the group “weeping for their religion.”
2 - Another group, which emerged in Iran after the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 in Russia and ideologically adhered to communism and Marxism, calling themselves the Tudeh, became active in opposition to the Pahlavi regime during the late reign of Reza Khan and the early reign of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi. These movements, instigated by the Soviet communist government (which had felt its interests threatened since Reza Khan’s British-backed coup), were neither comparable in numbers nor in significance to the spontaneous actions of the religious groups. Most likely, the phrase in the narration referring to “those who weep for their worldly interests” corresponds to these communists and the Tudeh Party, as they had no belief in the Hereafter and devoted all their efforts to altering their worldly circumstances.
Thus, as you can see, the narration’s reference to the two groups rising against the government established by the Zindiq of Qazvin largely corresponds to the religious groups and the Tudeh (communist) faction.
A Very Important Note: The narration mentions changes in the city of Qazvin:
"…that he would tear apart the veils of modesty, fill their hearts with disbelief, change the (city’s) walls, and destroy its vitality and beauty…"
A question that might arise in the minds of readers is: the narration talks about changes in Qazvin—does this relate to Reza Khan? Or does the “Zindiq of Qazvin” refer to someone whose rebellion and unrest were confined solely to this city?
The answer is that the “Zindiq of Qazvin” does not refer to someone whose actions were limited to Qazvin. As the narration states:
“No Zindiq has yet risen from Qazvin.”
Here, the phrase "from Qazvin" is used, rather than " in Qazvin". This indicates that the Zindiq’s actions were not confined to the city itself, but had significant effects on other regions as well. Had the phrase " in Qazvin" been used, it would have been clear that all of his activities were limited to Qazvin. However, since the narration states that “his uprising began from Qazvin (min Qazvin),” it can be understood that Qazvin was merely the starting point of the rebellion, which then extended to other areas.
Similarly, Reza Khan’s uprising began in Qazvin and subsequently spread to Tehran and eventually across Iran. Therefore, like the Zindiq of Qazvin, Reza Khan’s rebellion was not limited to a single city; it started there and extended to other regions. Moreover, the Reza Khan uprising had a significant impact on Qazvin itself, as the city, like other cities in the country, came under the influence of the new government, prime ministership, monarchy, and regime established by him. Consequently, Qazvin, along with Tehran and other regions, underwent substantial changes. In line with the narration, cities were reshaped by Reza Khan’s policies, including the settlement of nomadic tribes:
"…change the (city’s) walls,"
and the social and cultural boundaries of the cities were altered:
"…tear apart the veils of modesty, fill their hearts with disbelief,"
while, due to the oppression and suppression under Reza Shah’s government, distrust spread everywhere and the joy and vitality of the people, especially urban residents, diminished:
"…destroy its vitality and beauty."
Thus, as you can see, the narration about the situation in Qazvin after the uprising of the Zindiq of Qazvin aligns with the historical realities of Iran during Reza Shah’s era. After Reza Khan’s coup and his rise to power, the whole of Iran, particularly its major cities (including Qazvin, Tehran, Mashhad, etc.), underwent significant transformations.
Another Very Important Point: In addition to the reasons already mentioned, another factor linking the Zindiq of Qazvin to Reza Khan is that, throughout history—from the emergence of Islam to the present—no other rebel has arisen from Qazvin who openly opposed the true religion of Islam in the way Reza Khan did. From this point onward, especially after the establishment of the Islamic Republic of Iran (which, according to the narrations, is likely the government that will pave the way for the appearance of Imam Mahdi [may Allah hasten his reappearance]), it is unlikely that any rebel from Qazvin could mount such a widespread rebellion and seriously oppose Islam.
Given that Reza Khan was the only figure in history who rose from Qazvin and confronted Islam, it seems reasonable to conclude that the “Zindiq of Qazvin” mentioned in the narration refers to him. Notably, several scholars, including Hojjat al-Islam Haj Seyed Reza Rafai and Mr. Ali Falsafi, have also identified Reza Shah as the Zindiq of Qazvin.
The coup and wrongful uprising of Reza Shah, which occurred approximately 90 years ago, serve as further evidence of the imminent appearance of Imam Mahdi (may Allah hasten his reappearance), as the narration cited at the beginning of the article discusses events of the End Times. The fulfillment of this prophecy indicates that the era we are living in is close to the time of his appearance.
Although we do not know the exact timing of his appearance, given the occurrence of numerous signs in the past century, it seems that our era is a special period and increasingly close to his reappearance.
However, hastening the arrival of Imam Mahdi also depends on the efforts of the Muslims themselves; thus, it is important for us, as Muslims, to work hand in hand to prepare the way for his prompt reappearance.
Finally, it should be noted that the interpretation presented here is merely our personal opinion and analysis, which we have endeavored to base on both narrations and historical facts. Humans are not free from error, and we are no exception. Therefore, some of these correspondences and analyses may not be entirely accurate, which would be a shortcoming on our part, not of the narrations themselves. Nevertheless, we have strived to minimize errors by using reliable sources and references for our analys

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